Her defeat Argentinian in the Falklands War, in June 1982, it completely discredited the dictatorial regime who ruled the country since 1976 and irrevocably paved the way for a return to democratic legitimacy. The first free elections were held on October 30, 1983 and became the founding event of a new phase in the political history of Argentina, which since 1930 had been marked by successive coups and dictatorships. The presidency of the great winner of the election, Raul Alfonsinidentified with the process of restoring the rule of law, which mobilized Argentine society by awakening enthusiasm and expectations. The Alfonsín government, however, was faced from the start with a series of problems that threatened the newly restored Republic: the pressures from the armed forces, the institutional weaknesses of the political system and a deep economic crisis that would undermine the essence of politics.
The polls are being rushed
After the defeat in the Falklands, the latter chairman her juntageneral Reinaldo Binoneannounced the commitment of the armed forces to return to the Republic by the first quarter of 1984 at the latest. political pressure, the panic-stricken junta passed a self-amnesty law a month before the elections which deprived the future government of the ability to prosecute members of the military regime for human rights abuses.
The backlash caused by these moves by the junta and the general intransigence shown by the military on the issue of missing persons steeled society’s will for justice, which contributed to the surprisingly comfortable electoral victory of its candidate Union of RadicalsRaul Alfonsin, who was the political leader who was most committed to the issue of justice. The result of the election showed that in the cultural landscape of that time, justice had become, in the consciousness of the citizens, a self-evident value and seemed like a bulwark for the fragile democracy, which was starting under many pressures.

Raul Alfonsin, with candidate vice president Victor Martinesreceived almost 52% of the vote and comfortably defeated his candidate Peronist Party, Italo Luder. As a jurist with a long track record in the fight for the defense of human rights, Alfonsín had prevailed in the internal party elections of the Union of Radicals, the political force that since the beginning of the 20th century had played a central role in the political life of Argentina. The election result on the one hand confirmed the dominance of the two-party system that had prevailed in the country since the 1940s – the Union of Radicals and the Peronist Party won 92% of the vote – and on the other hand, interrupted four decades of political hegemony of Peronism. Although retaining its foundations, in 1983 the Peronist Party appeared weakened by the memory of its unpopular government Isabel Peron (1974-1976), of his long-term exclusion from the electoral process and the fact that he had paid a heavy blood tax to the dictatorial regime, since many of his officials had been imprisoned, exiled or included among the thousands of missing persons.
Alfonsín’s social-democratic profile and commitment to restoring the rule of law resonated with the youth and the middle classes, and he also won the support of the intellectual world. He also gathered the votes of those who saw him as the only candidate capable of defeating Peronism, which until the eve of the election seemed the most likely winner. Contributing to Alfonsín’s success was his clear commitment not to accept the junta’s amnesty, as well as the unifying spirit of his election campaign, which contrasted with the divisive rhetoric of Peronist elites.

The trial of the junta
The Alfonsine government proved, from its first steps, the commitment her to her subject of purification for the crimes of the junta. A few days after taking office, on December 10, 1983, the new president issued two major decrees: One referred to trial for crimes against humanity nine military officers, heads of the armed forces and the junta that had ruled the country since March of 1976 to the Falklands War. The second decree referred to Justice the heads of guerrilla organizations that had committed terrorist acts.
In addition, with another presidential decree on December 15, 1983, the Committee on Disappearing Personswith the aim of gathering complaints and collecting evidence about the crimes of the junta, which would be judged by the Justice. The sixteen-member committee was made up of prominent scientists, academics, writers, human rights defenders and representatives of the Church. In the following period, its members toured Argentina as well as other countries such as Spainh France and the Mexicowhere they were looking for witnesses to take statements. The testimonies gathered paved the way for the trial of the junta, which began in April 1985, and provided the evidence of the regime’s crimes.

The report of the committee, with the declarative title “never again”was handed over, through an official ceremony on September 20, 1984, to Raúl Alfonsín by its president, author Ernesto Sabatowho characterized the committee’s work “as a descent into Hell”. The revelation of the extermination mechanism organized by the junta shook the conscience of public opinion and caused excitement in the world community. On the other hand, the publication of the research results caused discomfort in military circles. On the eve of the start of the trial, President Alfonsín, in a dramatic speech, denounced the existence of conspiratorial plans for a coup and called on his fellow citizens to defend the Republic.
The writer Ernesto Sabato, president of the commission that gathered complaints and gathered evidence about the junta’s crimes, when delivering the findings, described its work as “a descent into Hell.”
Alfonsín’s original plan was to have the members of the junta tried by a military court, however, due to obstruction of military justice, it was decided, in October 1984, that the case be taken over by regular justice. With the verdict of December 9, 1985, the five leaders of the junta were convicted. The most well-known person of the regime, Mr Jorge Rafael Videlaand the chief of the navy, Emilio Maserawere sentenced to lifelong.
Multi-front struggle: army, trade unionists, debt
Alfonsín’s government came to power with a modernization program that pitted it against the corporatist interests, not only of the military but also of other powerful institutions, such as the unions and the Church. Alfonsín’s main goal was the renewal of the political system and the restructuring of the economy. The democratic changes he sought to bring about in the management of the traditionally powerful unions in Argentina brought him into conflict with the union leadership, which belonged to the political space of Peronism: from the beginning of 1984, the General Confederation of Labor declared successive general strikes that paralyzed the country and made government work difficult. At the same time, his promotion of substantial educational reform brought him into conflict with the Catholic Church, which traditionally controlled private education in Argentina.

The other major challenge came from the economy: the democratic transition took place in the midst of the Latin American debt crisis, which manifested itself in intensity in the early 1980s. The crisis had its roots in the 1970s, when countries in Latin America such as Argentina borrowed exorbitant amounts from international creditors at low interest rates. The problem manifested itself in the early 1980s, when the large increase in interest rates from the United Statesas part of the new anti-inflationary policy, dramatically increased the debt of Argentina and other countries in the region. The crisis was felt in the country in many ways: halted growth, decline in per capita income, decline in industrialization, capital flight, continuous devaluations of the national currency and, above all, inflation. In 1985, the Alfonsín government began its implementation “southern design”an economic program that, among other things, introduced a new national currency, which replaced the peso. At first the plan was positively received by society, mainly because it succeeded in controlling inflation, which was reflected in the government’s victory in the 1985 parliamentary elections. However, thereafter, persistent problems and the forced shift to a “war economy”, with austerity measures and state reforms, they brought the government face to face with the Peronist opposition and the unions. In the following years, the failure of the economic program would cause a unique crisis of hyperinflation and governability, which would lead Raúl Alfonsín to an early resignation.
*Mrs. Maria Damilakou is an assistant professor at the History Department of the Ionian University.
Diligence: Evanthis Hatzivasiliou